Aziz Mian’s work- what makes him great?

One cannot understand Aziz Mian without understanding the history of Urdu poetry. Aziz Mian composed his work against, and in response to, a certain backdrop of normative prose. His break away from the norm cannot be truly appreciated without having a grasp of what the norm was and how it came to be constituted. The norm in Urdu prose has changed thrice within the last two centuries and can be crudely divided into three periods. The first age is that of the ghazal and it lasted up until the 1860’s. It was succeeded by the age of the nazm which last until the 1940’s. The present age is that of an azad nazm. The differences between the three are quite varied.

The ghazal follows a rigorous structure and each sher within the ghazal can also stand independently without the ghazal. It is as elaborate as it is ornate and requires extensive knowledge of not just Urdu vocabulary, but also a fair degree of mythology, religion and history. Some prominent poets in this genre include Mir, Dard, and Sauda.

Following the humiliation of 1857’s ill-fated rebellion, some Muslims concerned themselves with the task of reviving their society from the ‘backwardness’ it found itself in. The ghazal became an object of their derision and they invested significant time and resources in overwhelming what they considered a decadent activity. This group gave birth to the nazm. The nazm is much shorter in length and does not follow a rigorous structure. Most importantly, however, it carries a social or a moral message thus giving its text a purpose. This result-oriented approach differs significantly from the ghazal which is premised on desires, regrets, and fantasies. The nazm is associated with the likes of Hali and Iqbal.

While the nazm was much less rigorous than the ghazal, it was still limited by requirements of rhymes, syllables and balance. The azad nazm, in keeping with the literary trends globally, broke completely free of these requirements. Urdu poetry, in this age, became free. The lack of structure allowed it to introduce topics which had hitherto been inadmissible- questions of self, sexuality, society became more prominent. Some of the poets associated with this movement include Faiz, Miraji and N M Rashid.

This is not to say that the above ages were exclusive of each other. Poets like Faiz also wrote ghazals as well as nazms though he is predominantly an azad nazm poet. These ages merely signify that the dominant literature produced within these eras conformed to a certain norm. The nazm would have been inconceivable in the royal courts of Oudh, while the azad nazm poets would have certainly been denounced with blasphemy not for their contents but for their lack of respect for the existing structure!

Poetry is deeply impacted by the society it is composed under and reflects this impact. Aziz Mian, then, composing his work in 1960’s and the 1970’s, belongs to an age firmly entrenched in the azad nazm era. His brilliance lay in invoking the contents of the azad nazm within the structure of a ghazal and distinguishes him from many poets before him.

Iqbal, for example, authored an extensive collection of nazms. Though he did momentarily break free from the religious theme so common in his work when he wrote Shikwa, the inherent limitation in his work became obvious when he also wrote Jawab e Shikwa. It was clear that Iqbal was under the influence of a reformist school of thought as is also evident in much of his other work in Urdu.

Aziz Mian, by contrast, has no such barriers. His work is reminiscent of Mir in that it is equally bold in its proclamations of love and beauty and outrageously contemptuous of any structuralised religion. Consider, for example, Aziz Mian’s questioning of a religious priest in the following verse

Aray yeh janab e shaikh ka falsafa

Jo samajh mein meri na aa saka

Jo wahan piyo toh halal hai

Jo yahan piyo toh haram hai

O, this philosophy of Mr. Priests’

I’ve never quite been able to grasp

Drinking is permissible over there

Drinking is not permissible over here

Aziz Mian is seen here questioning the widely propagated belief that an Islamic conception of paradise contains a river which is tastier than the tastiest wine. As the believers are often reminded, abstaining from alcohol in this life would help their cause to get into heaven. Aziz Mian, as exemplified by the verse, is perplexed why a divine being would create two different worlds and impose restrictions on the constituents of one but not the other. This goes against the very nature of a just and equal being and is thus contradictory. Aziz Mian does not limit himself to the question of wine, he also questions the idea of the virgins.

Hooron ka aitbar karey kaun hashr tak

Matti ki bhi milay to rawan hay shabab mein

Who is to trust heavenly women in the hereafter?

I will start with some regular ones in my youth

This verse is even more provocative than the previous one. Here, Aziz Mian is not only questioning the validity of a concept which is even more widely prevalent (that of believing men being rewarded with heavenly women beings) but he is also attacking the concept of abstinence. Aziz Mian does not understand why a diving being would create beauty and then advise his other creation to not appreciate it? This verse, more than the last, attacks not just a religious orthodoxy but also challenges the poets associated with the nazm.

It is no debate that Aziz Mian’s verse above would have been equally in place next to any of ones from the age of the ghazal. It is also likely that the contents of his verses above are in place with some of those created in the azad nazm era. However, both the content and its presentations are irksome and undesirable to the likes of Hali and Iqbal. They would’ve considered Aziz Mian simply another despicable poet to be refrained from.

Yet, where the reformists found contempt and moral decline, I find thinking and critical evaluation from a poet not appreciated enough for his work. To be clear, Aziz Mian’s personal beliefs in a divine being are never in doubt. It is his belief in his fellow men that he is always questioning.

The aim of the reformists was to ‘rescue’ a society from ‘moral decline’. This is no different than the neoliberal rhetoric espoused elsewhere in the present day. What is rescue? What constitutes moral decline? What is the benchmark? These are the questions that we find in Aziz Mian’s works where he poses these and forces us to think. It is for this reason, if not any other, that Aziz Mian must be studied. His work, just like him, has more to offer us than we have ever understood.

Some quick thoughts on the Palestinian protest in Toronto

Earlier today, I attended the Al-Quds rally held in Toronto. I’ve been familiar with Al-Quds for almost two decades now much as any Shia growing up in Karachi would be. Al-Quds continues to be an active aim of the ISO and is not just restricted to the last Friday of Ramazan- it makes an appearance at almost every single Shia procession in the city.

This Al-Quds was held at Queen’s Park. The presence of pro-Palestinians was countered by a small but dedicated contingent of a pro-Israeli group. I flitted between the two groups as I sought to take pictures and was often eyed with suspicion on the Israeli side. Three different people on the Israeli side (among them two members of the IDF) questioned who I was and tried to force me into a corner regarding my allegiances. Though I was able to retrospectively rationalize their behavior despite how much I might disagreed with it, I did wonder if someone who did not fit the aesthetic stereotype of a Palestinian sympathizer would face the same on the Palestinian side of the protest?

The most striking visual difference in the protest was the presence of the Canadian flag on the Israeli side. I counted only two Canadian flags on the Palestinian side. To me, this was interesting because as the Palestinian side belted out chant after chant against Harper, I lamented the lack of Canadian flags. At the end of the day, Harper is simply a Canadian who has been voted in by other Canadians. To show that Canadians are uncomfortable with Harpers actions, it would have been more powerful to do so while holding up a Canadian flag. The message sent to all external parties then would’ve been that we, as Canadians, denounce our government’s actions in Canada. This would have also highlighted the mass support that Palestine enjoys in Canada.

Another observation I made was the inability of the protest organizers to move beyond the label of religion. They kept invoking the Palestinian cause as one that unites religions from Islam to Christianity to Judaism. Similarly, they even mentioned how Shias and Sunnis come together over Palestine. All the while such comments were being made from a microphone and blasted out to the participants, I wondered whether the use of humanity to raise the cause of Palestinians would have been more effective? Moving past a religious label would’ve also allowed the protest organizers to connect with people from other faiths and beliefs who often seemed alienated when the protest turned into recitation of prayers and/or constant invocations of biblical history.

Lastly, and most importantly perhaps, as the crowds chanted ‘Occupation is a crime’, I couldn’t help but smile at the irony of the slogan. If occupation is a crime, then Canada is to its First Nations populace what Israel is to Gaza- an unwelcome guest. How many of protestors- largely naturalized citizens of Canada- are aware of the Canadian history? How many immigrants make an effort to understand and be aware of the past of their adopted country? Is it not hypocritical to continue to ask for Palestinians to be granted rights while being ignorant, intentionally or otherwise, of the plight of the natives in this country?

These are just some thoughts that I wanted to put on paper for discussion. I invite comments and criticism on the three points I’ve touched upon for it is only with dialogue that we can move conversation forward.

Aziz Mian- An enigma of our times

Lately, I find myself seeking more and more solace in Aziz Mian’s Qawwalis. To be clear, I have studied his body of work on a daily basis for more than a year and yet not a day goes by without me being blown away by the depth of one of his lines. It seems that no amount of insight into his work can even come close to giving us an insight into the man himself.

Aziz Mian composed and performed in a Pakistani society still coming to grip with itself. Questions of identity, culture and history lingered deep. In the absence of a unifying Pakistani ethnicity, a Pakistani language or a Pakistani tradition, religion was used more and more to build an identity. Phrases like Pakistan is ‘the fortress of Islam’ became popular in this age as Pakistan started to become embroiled with its neighbour India and constructed itself as a defender of Islam. This also gave rise to internal issues like sectarian violence etc. that also started raising questions on the definition of a true Muslim.

The impact such social changes had on Qawwalis cannot be emphasized enough. The Sufi doctrines that the ancient Qawwalis were based on- wahdat ul-wujood, or the unity of existence- was gradually marginalized. This doctrine considers religion to be superficial and proclaims humanity to be the one true bond that mankind must accept and embrace. Traditional Sufi poetry containing overt declarations of the above became a taboo in a Pakistani society that sought to distinguish itself on the basis of its religion. One needs to only look at Qawwal’s like Habib Painter in the 1950’s and the Sabri Brothers in the 1970’s and notice the extreme differences in content between two giants of mainstream Qawwali history.

So, on the one hand, it could be that Aziz Mian’s work was a taunt at the society he happened to live in while on the other hand it is equally possible that Aziz Mian’s work was the work of a man trying to understand his place in a rapidly changing society. The first assumption rests on the consistency of his views throughout the three decades that he performed at different levels. The second assumption rests on the fact that while he leaned towards the Shia narrative of Islamic history in many of his Qawwalis, he was also vocal in his opposition to the idea of a religious label to begin with.

Consider the following from his Qawwali Manzil Say Ishara Kartay Hain (From the destination, they gesture)

Yeh kis ki nigahon nay saaghar pilaey

Khudi par meri bay khudi ban kay chaey

Khabaradar ay dil, aray maqam e adab hai

Kaheen bada noshi pay dhabba na aaey

Woh sajday hain kiya jis mein khuddarian ho

Ibadat woh kia jis pay pabandian hoon

Haqeeqat mein zahid wohi bandagi hai

Jahan sar jhukay aastan jhoom jaye

Kaheen bada noshi, kaheen but parasti,

Kaheen zohd o taqwa, kaheen sajda rezi

Muhabbat kay gulshan mein kaante bichay hain

Kahan tak koi apna daman bachaey

Kayi baar doobay, kayi baar ubhray

Kayi baar toofan mein chakkar lagayey

Tumharay takkhaul nay aisa duboya

Bohat koshishen ki ubharnay na paey

Kayi baar toofan say takrai kishti

Kayi baar takra kay saahil pay aayey

Talash e talab mein who lazzat mili hai

Dua kar rahoon kay manzil na aayey

And whose gaze has given me this wine to drink?

My self-awareness has been replaced by rashness

Be careful, O Heart, this is a place of reverence

Lest my intoxication be blotted with bad behavior

What good is prostration full of arrogance?

What good is worship if it has restraints?

In truth, priest, the only humility is that which

Bows itself wherever, and the saints erupt in joy with it

Some call it intoxication, some idol-worship

Some call it piety and truth, some an abundance of prostration

This field of love is full of thorns

How much can a person save himself?

I have drowned a plenty, and surfaced a plenty

I have gone and visited the dangerous storms

Thoughts of you have drowned me such

That I keep trying but cannot surface

The ship has collided with the storm plenty of times

And plenty of times it has returned to the shore

In searching for the self I have found such joy

That I now pray I never find what I am looking for

The English translation above might appear fractured. It is so because in Qawwali, as in the traditional ghazal, themes change from one shair to the other. Two consecutive shairs do not have to be connected by a narrative and can also stand independently on their own.

The above verse appears in a Qawwali that is replete with references to the Abrahamic history. Specifically, he expresses a desire to meet Moses so that he can accompany him on his visit to Mount Sinai. The above verse occurs towards the beginning of this marathon Qawwali.

Aziz Mian starts off by wondering what has led him to this intoxicated state he finds himself in! Yet, he clarifies, his intoxication does not imply a lack of self-control, but only that his finds himself feeling bold and brazen. This scares him because he does not want to be accused of mischief. As he puts its, this mischief would be a dark spot on his otherwise impeccable record of being intoxicated.

What jumps out from the verse above is that Aziz Mian is clearly frequently inebriated for if he was not, his intoxicated state would not have a record, leave alone a perfect record. It also stands that his intoxicated state does not mean a loss of senses, for not only is he aware that he took no conscious steps to get to this stage, he is also wary of being held accountable for his actions should he cave in to the rashness that he feels creeping in. Thus Aziz Mian finds himself in a familiar end but with unfamiliar means. The lack of bottles around him is a reminder to the reader that Aziz Mian recognizes that he is in the company of somebody for either the somebody is too respected by Aziz Mian to leave bottles lying around or that the somebody has cleaned up after Aziz Mian.

Aziz Mian then moves on to pose two questions that directly challenge the core tenets of Islam. He questions the concept of prostration as well as worship. He implies that Muslims go into their prostrations thinking they are the chosen people of God. To Aziz Mian, this very thought renders the act of worship useless. He further questions what kind of worship is built on restraints? Can love be restrained? Can devotion be restrained? Can attention be restrained? If they cannot, then how can worship which is built on love, devotion and attention? His question could be examined in the light of the hegemonic rigidity of Islamic rituals world over. Though they make sense from a traditional Sufi point of view, they are an attack on the other sects of Islam that place these rituals above all else.

In the next verse, Aziz Mian addresses a priest and instructs him that real love can manifest itself anywhere and is not constricted by religious rituals. His use of the phrase aastan jhoom jaye can be roughly translated as ‘The universe of saints erupts in joy’. This, Aziz Mian implies, only happens when man prostrates out of pure instinct and not robotically on a scheduled time. Thus, the past Sufi saints, according to Aziz Mian, value a breakaway from the traditions that have enslaved man in today’s world. This is interesting because while popular Sufi history holds early Sufis as learned scholars, all Sufis encountered resistance and oppression from rulers and the populace of whatever locality they were in. It was only once they had immigrated elsewhere that their legends grew. In many cases, it was also posthumous.

Aziz Mian goes on to describe the different forms of worship that he has seen man indulge in- he lists intoxication in the same breadth as idol-worshipping, abstinence from sin and abundant worship. In doing so, he equates an outcast or a social pariah with the lofty positions of a Hindu monk, a Christian priest and a Muslim imam. Aziz Mian continues by insisting that even though he attacks the label of religion, he does not deny the existence of a divine presence. He muses that given the abundance of beliefs systems all over the world, one can only actually remain a disbeliever up until a certain point!

Having talked about what he has observed, Aziz Mian moves on to what he has experienced. He indicates that he has been through a lot and always come out on top, even in his encounters with things he deemed to be ferocious and out of his control. Yet, he admits, he is helpless in his current pursuit. Aziz Mian laments that thinking about a divine being is so consuming that his body is out of his control now and that he cannot come back from the path he chose to go down on. He draws the analogy of his self with that of a ship that despite harsh sea conditions is always drawn back to water.

Aziz Mian finishes by exclaiming that despite the hard journey he has undertaken, he does not wish it to finish. It can be seen that he feels that were he to find what he was looking for, he is afraid that there would be no more looking. This is a very interesting point of view. Capitalism has imbued in us a tendency to set goals and achieve them- get a degree; get a job; buy a house; go on vacation- and so forth. What Aziz Mian is insisting is that it is not about where you end up or what you end up with, it is about what you learn on the way there. Aziz Mian’s viewpoint is one that we could all learn from.

Is this the poetry of a man who mocked society or a man who was unsure of where stood in relation to the society? I still cannot tell. The New Criticism model would insist that this work of Aziz Mian’s is a piece that should be appreciated for what it contains, instead of engaging in debates over the context of its creation or the personal circumstances of its author. Yet perhaps this is why the New Criticism model lost its appeal- can a text ever be severed from its creator and the society it was created under?

Is daur kay insaan say kuch bhool hui hai lyrics

Is daur kay insaan say kuch bhool hui hay

 

Aik takhayul jo tassawur mein na aa sakta ho

Haan magar qalb kay goshay mein sama sakta ho

Nuqtay ki oonch neech mein sab say juda hua

Aakhi ulat plat kay phira bhi khuda hua

 

Bargasht ae yazdan say kuch bhool hui hai

 

Khaaksaari ka maaza hum nay yaheen dekh liya

Jis jaga sajda kia tujh ko waheen dekh liya

Hum nazarbaghon say tu chup na sakaa jaan e jahan

Mian tu jahan ja kay chupa hum nay waheen dekh liya

Aankhon wala teray jo ban ka tamasha dekhay

Deeda e kaur ko kiya aaye nazar, kiya dekhay

 

Us ki hasrat hay jisay dil say bhula bhi na sakoon

Aray dhoondnay us ko chala hoon jisay paa bhi na sakoon

Tera aastan to na mil saka, teri rehguzar ki zameen sahi

Aur kahin nay to yaheen sahi (not clear in above video)

Agar hota woh majzoob e farangi is zamanay mein

To iqbal us ko samjhata makam e kibriya kia hai

 

Gulshan mein saba ko justujoo teri hai

Bulbul ki zaban pay guftugoo teri hai

Wah rey qudrat, teray andaaz

Jis phool ko soongta hoon, boo teri hai

 

Falsafi ko behas kay undar khuda milta nahi

Aql ayyar hai so bhais badal leti hai

Aql amad, deen o duniya shud kharab

Ishq amad, deen o duniya kamiyab

Door suljhata hai laiken sira milta nahi

 

Maqam e faqr toh kitna buland hai shahi say

Rawish teri jo gadayan na ho toh kiya kahiyay

Payam e nuqta e tauheed aa toh sakta hai

Teray dimagh mein butkhana hay to kiya kahiyay

 

Gala toh ghot diya ahl e madressa ney tera

kahan say aye sada la illaha il allah

 

Bargasht ae yazdan say kuch bhool hui hai

Is daur kay insaan say kuch bhool hui hay

 

Is jabr pay bhi zauq bashar ka yeh haal hai

Kiya jaanay, kiya karay, jo khuda ikhtiar dey

 

Har daur mein ik baat bohat khoob hui hay

Har ik tamanna meri masloob hui hay

Bunyad ki har eent pay likha hai mera naam

Deewar magar aap say mansoob hui hay

 

Jo zara see pee kay behak gaya

Usay mehkaday say nikal do

Yahan kam nazar ka guzar nahi

Yahan ahl e zarf ka kaam hai

Ab is qainat meh ay jigar,

Koi inquilaab uthay ga phir

Kay buland ho kay bhi aadmi

Abhi khwahishon ka ghulam hai

 

Khushi say door, alam kay qareeb lagtay hain

Yeh log teray shehr kay ajeeb lagtay hain

Jo aik isharay mein dunya khareed saktay hain

Woh dekhnay mein bohat he ghareeb lagtay hain

Payambaron ka nagar hai ya qaatilon ka nagar

Yahan darakht bhi mujh ko saleeb lagtay hain

 

Fareb e waqt ney ghehra hijab daala hai

Wahan bhi shamay jala do jahan ujala hai

 

Lay saans bhi ahista kay naazuk hai bohat gaam

 

Bargasht ae yazdan say kuch bhool hui hai

Is daur kay insaan say kuch bhool hui hay

 

Aadmi ko bhi mayassur nahi insaan hona

 

Aray na sahi kuch magar, itna to kiya kartay thay

Mian woh mujhay dekh kay pehchaan liyay kartay thay

Ab toh insaan ki azmat bhi koi cheez nahi

Log pathar ko khuda man liyay kartay thay

 

Meray haathon say tarashay huay pathar kay sanam

Aaj but khanay mein bhagwan banay baithay hain

 

Mein nay insaan ko puja toh gunahgar hua

Log pathar ko khuda maan liyay kartay thay

 

Saaqi ki jabeen par chamak uthay hain sitaray

Shayad meray imaan say kuch bhool hui hay

 

Janab e sheikh ulajhtay hain kis ta’aluq say

Sharab kay yeh koi rishtaydaar bhi to nahin

 

Yeh ghalat hai sharaab ki tareef

Is ka zehnon pay raj hota hai

Sirf hiddat sharab deti hai

Baqi apna mizaj hota hai

 

Bari haseen hai zulfon ki shaam pee leejiyay

Hamaray haath say do chaar jaam pee leejiyay

Pila ey jab koi mashooq apnay hathon say

Sharaab phir nahi rehti haraam

 

Bay wazoo agaya shayad koi mehkhanay mein

 

Sharab seekh mein daali, kabab sheeshay mein

 

Aik mein hoon jo behak jaata hoon tauba ki taraf

Warna rindon mein bura chaal chalan kiska hai

 

Ghairon ko ata kartay hai gulbul kay samar bhi

 

Jaam har baar he ghairon ko ata hota hai

 

Koi baada kash, koi tashna lab,

Kisi kay haath mein jaam hai

 

Ham kaheen mehroom na reh jain teri bazm mein

Naam sun kar aaye hain pir e maikhana tera

 

Ay khana bar andaz e chaman kush to idhar bhi

 

Jaam mera tauba shikan, tauba meri jaam shikan

Saamnay dhair hein tootay huay paimanon kay

Meh say mein tauba karoon? Saaqia tauba, tauba

Mein nay dunya kay dikhanay ko qasam khai hai

 

Jis daur mein lut jaye faqeeron ki kamayi

Us daur kay sultan say kuch bhool hui hai

 

Aray un kay daaman ko cherti hai saba

Hai qismat kay mein saba na hua

Woh, shahnshah nahi bhikari hai

Jo faqeeron ka aasra na hua

 

Nigah e fakhr mein shan e sikandari kiya hai?

Khiraj ki jo gada ho woh qaisari kiya hai?

 

Isiy waja say ita’ab e maloot hai mujh par

Mein janta hoon maal e sikandri kiya hai

 

Aray baghban ko lahoo ki zaroorat pari

Sab say pehlay hi gardan hamari kati

Phir bhi kehtay hein hum say yeh ahl e chaman

Yeh chaman hai hamara, tumhara nahi

 

Hamara karwan tak toh manzil par pohanch jata

Magar yeh raastay mein paij toh rehbar nay daalay hain

 

Humsay karwan manzil par lutwaey nahi jaatay

 

Kabhi shaakh o sabza o barg par kabhi ghuncha o gul o khaar par

Mein chaman mein chahay jahan rahoon mera haq hai fasl e bahar par

Mujhay dein nay wez ki dhamkian, girain lakh bar yeh bijlian

Meri sultanat yehi aashiyan, meri milkiat yehi char par

 

Aray tehzeeb e junoon kar pay tanqeed ka haq hai

Girti hui diwar pay tanqeed ka haq hai

Haan mein nay apna lahoo gulistaan ko diya hai

Mujhko gul o gulzaar pay tanqeed ka haq hai

Mein yaad dilata hoon, shikayat nahi karta

Bhoolay huay iqraar pay tanqeed ka haq hai

 

Hooron ki talab aur meh o saghar say hai nafrat

 

Aray yeh janab e shaikh ka falsafa

Jo samajh mein meri na aa saka

Jo wahan piyo toh halal hai

Jo yahan piyo toh haram hai

 

Rind bakshay gaye qiyamat mein

Shaikh kehta raha hisab, hisab

 

Hooron ki talab aur meh o saghar say hai nafrat

Waiz teray irfan say kuch bhool hui hai

 

Gham ka ilaj aapki nazron mein kuch bhi ho

Gham ka ilaj meri nazar mein sharab hai

 

Boo e khushay kay harkas e bada saba shuneed

Azyar ashna sukhan e ashna shuneed

Sirre khuda kay arif e salik ba tashna guft

Dar hairtum kay bada farosh az puja shuneed

 

Dar kharabat ka kushada hai

Kahiyay sarkar kiya irada hai?

 

Yehi hai shar e paimana, yehi tafseer e maikhana

Kay lafzon mein dikhadon kheench kay tasweer e maikhana

Dekhana roshni, masjid samajh kar sheikh aata hai

Bohat chamki hui hay aaj kal taqdeer e maikhana

 

Kuch soch kay shama pay parwana jala hoga

Shayad isiy jalnay mein jeenay ka maza hoga

Jis waqt yeh meh tu nay botal mein bhari hogi

Saaqi tera masti say kiya haal hua hoga

mehkhanay say masjid tak paye gaye naqsh e pa

Ya sheikh gaya hoga ya rind gaya hoga

 

Hum bhi piyein, tumhay bhi pilayein tamam raat

Jaagein tamam raat, jagaein tamam raat

Waiz jo apnay rozay say thora sawab day

Mehkash usay sharab pilaein tamam raat

 

Ya rab meri gunah kahin bad guman na hoon

Rehmat nay kitni dair laga di hisab mein

Hooron ka aitbar karey kaun hashr tak

Matti ki bhi milay to rawan hay shabab mein

 

Is it or is it not a Shia Genocide?

Author’s Note: Over the last couple of years, the term Shia Genocide has entered mass media. This post emanates from many personal discussions on this topic. I have tried to provide a brief quantitative as well as qualitative analysis below. While part of this post takes a robotic approach and merely talks of deaths as a number, I hope that it is not mistaken for my personal beliefs which condemn all violence.

Year	Shias	Total	%
2002	29	9396	0.31%
2003	83	9346	0.89%
2004	130	9719	1.34%
2005	91	9631	0.94%
2006	116	10048	1.15%
2007	442	10556	4.19%
2008	416	12059	3.45%
2009	381	12491	3.05%
2010	322	13208	2.44%
2011	245	13860	1.77%

The above table shows the number of Shias killed as a percentage of the total number of violent deaths accounted for in the Pakistan Statistical Yearbook. Before looking at the numbers, it is important to keep in mind that 1) The number of Shia deaths are taken from the LUBP database which I consider to be inflated (disclaimer: the database also clearly states that it is not to be used for statistical analysis. However, they do provide a great reference and this work of mine is rather simple therefore I have chosen to persist with their compilation) and that 2) The total number of violent deaths are taken from an official source which I consider to be deflated (not all crimes get reported, etc). Keeping these two points in mind, the data is already heavily skewed towards the Shias since the numerator is exaggerated and the denominator is reduced. I have not made any attempts to address this skew.

To compare the above data with the benchmark for genocide, I have summarized the following from the UN declaration on conditions of genocide-

1.            State sponsored killings of an ethnic, racial or religious group

2.            The capacity of the perpetrator to kill an entire generation of the victim group

3.            Evidence of genocide through numbers

In Pakistan, the violence being perpetrated against the Shias is not sponsored by the state. Compare this with the case of the Holocaust and the role of the Nazi state which is well known. In Rwanda, directives for ethnic cleansing of the Tutsis were announced on state radio. In Bosnia, Muslims were executed en masse as the UN peacekeepers looked on. There is no such occurrence in Pakistan currently. In the absence of explicit involvement of the state, the only case that could be made against it is for its implicit involvement through apathy and inaction.

Secondly, talking about destroying a group and actually having the capacity to do it are two different things. When the Nazis, or the Hutus, or the Bosnians talked about exterminating Jews, Tutsis and Muslims, they had the state machinery at their disposal. When TTP or LeJ talk about a day where the Sunnis will refuse to shake hands with the Shias, this is rhetoric because the militant capacity of these groups does not permit them to carry out their overly ambitious plans. Can 50,000 odd TTP or LeJ members decimate a population of 36 million Shias in Pakistan (an estimate at 20% of the entire population)?

Genocide is also evident by numbers. The Holocaust saw 6 million Jews lose their lives. A minimum of 100,000 Bosnian Muslims were targeted between 1992-1995 (this amounted to 2.5% of the entire population of Bosnia). In Rwanda, 100,000 Tutsis (comprising 2% of the entire population of Rwanda) were killed within a matter of weeks while the total Tutsi casualties were up to 1,000,000 (20% of the entire population of Rwanda) for the duration of the genocide. These kinds of numbers illustrate intent by the perpetrators as well as their capacity to carry their evils out.

In Pakistan, the LUBP database claims that roughly 23000 Shias have been killed since 1963. Given that the population of Pakistan has increased by 130 million in the same period, the ratio of the 23,000 Shias killed with respect to total violence as well population will be significantly low ( <1%) over a period of 60 years. This is not surprising at all given that Pakistan is a third-world country with high structural violence. Further, the Shias being a minority group in a country known to be religiously intolerable, these kinds of numbers are expected.

However, those are just the numbers and they do not tell the complete story. Pakistan also displays certain intangible traits of why this violence could be construed as genocide.

Shias are not just killed, but targeted. These attacks are well planned in advance as evident by their clean escapes and cold brutality. Shia doctors, lawyers and ulema are routinely gunned down in public places. These incidents are not captured by any statistics.

The ghettoization of Shias has also become more common over the last three years in urban areas. As a Shia, it has become harder to buy or rent property. This has resulted in clustering of Shia population in certain areas of Karachi thus making them easier targets. While this trend has always existed since the 1980’s, it seems to have increased over the last three years. This is consistent with the pre-genocide conditions where targeted group is forced to recede to a demographically similar neighbourhood as other areas of the urban city become dangerous and threatening.

Some say that this is merely sectarian violence. However, this is definitely not sectarian violence as Shias are less likely (based on statistics) to resort to violence against the fundamentalist minority which targets them. This is due both to a lack of central militant arm of the Shias (the Sipah e Mohammed has broken into independent factions) amd that Shias are more likely to be arrested for murdering a Sunni than it is the other way round (contrast Hammad Naqvi, who got arrested for killing the notorious SSP leader Azam Tariq versus many LeJ members who roam free despite killing prominent Shia leaders). Further, the guerilla nature of the LeJ and the TTP makes these groups harder to locate.

So, while I don’t think this is genocide today, I also think that this instance displays traits which might evolve into genocide eventually. The problems exist today but before we can solve them, we have to identify them. Calling it genocide is a misidentification and will not allow us to solve this problem.

Maazi Ki Azmat – Greatness of the Past

Translator’s Note: The following is a translation of an excerpt titled ‘Maazi ki Azmat’ as it appears in Dr. Mubarak Ali’s book ‘Almia e Tareekh’ or the Tragedy of History. This excerpt has been taken from the edition published by Progressive Publishers, Lahore, in January 1993. As per the accompanying photographs, it appears on pages 192-195. All mistakes in the translation are mine.

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Greatness of the Past

Iqbal’s poetry contains a proud depiction of the greatness and grandeur of the generations of Muslims past. This version of the greatness of the past that he has presented already existed in the Hindustani society prior to Iqbal.

History has shown that when one group is politically strong, the stupor arising from its strength and incumbency leads it to consider other groups inferior and undignified. It considers its culture and traditions superior. An example of this in Hindustan is the era of the Mughals. The period from Babar to Aurangzeb was one of political zenith and the Muslim ruling class continued to rule Hindustan with force. However, following the beginning of their decline, power began to slip out of their hands. They started recollecting the times of Babar, Akbar and Aurangzeb. This association and love with the traditions of times past exists mostly in the ruling class because during times of political ascendancy, this group receives the most benefits and during times of decline it stands to lose the most as well.

This is why the realization of a great past, its discussions and the resulting pride, only arise in an era of decline. When society, impacted by the decline, seeks to escape from it, it seeks refuge in the memories of times gone by.

When the British established their rule in Hindustan and the ruling Muslim classes suffered a complete defeat, it instigated in the ruling Muslim classes a feeling of inferiority. This was because neither the Muslims matched the British in combat nor did the Muslim cultures, traditions, offices or institutions offer any resistance to the British. This defeat was so humiliating that it shook the frozen Muslim society to the core. The reactions to this defeat surfaced in many faces; namely: 1) Muslims ran away from the practical reality and sought shelter in religion and other farcical constructions; and 2) formed an opposition to the British regime, that due to their inability to resist (owing to a lack of courage and numbers), turned into a hatred of all things British as well as pride in Muslim history.

Therefore, history was used to capitalize on prevailing sentiments to illustrate the great Muslim past and its traditions. The foremost member of this movement was Shibli Naumani who authored a series of books under “Heroes of Islam” in which he planned to write about the lives of kings, and religious scholars and lawyers. Some of these, like Al-Farooq, Al-Mamoon and Al-Nauman etc., were published. The educated Muslim class took these books readily and studied them with great interest.

The credit for making this movement popular goes to Abdul Halim Sharar who wrote historical novels in which the victories and greatness of Muslims was documented. These novels soon reached popularity amongst both educated and layman classes because a defeated society was desperate to read texts in which Muslims were victorious and their enemies beaten. Therefore, vast literature was produced around Islamic history novels and its personnel and their achievements became popular.

It was these traditions of a great past that Iqbal used in his poetry. He too sounds the drum of “These warriors, these powerful men of yours” and a feeling of pride. He also evokes feelings of “Land is only land, we didn’t even leave the rivers alone.” The victories of Muslims, their bravery and valor, and their great adventures are found in detail in a very evocative and influential tone in Iqbal’s work.

At this point, it is worth contemplating that this voice was of a group and society which was battered by defeat and plagued by decline, was lifeless and numb, and completely and utterly in the grip of another – the British. The British were at the peak of their political power. They ruled in Asia, Africa and the Americas and some British authors, poets and historians were also busy creating proud literature as well, revolving around their superiority and promoting a vision of “The White Man’s Burden.”

So the question that arises is this- why was Iqbal proud of his superior past but against the present British superiority? He considered the exploits of the Muslims as righteous but considered the British dominance to be worth criticizing. Any groups capture of another groups land and economy is unjust whether it is the Muslim annexation of Spain or the capture of Nigeria by the British.  Our intellectuals failed to comprehend the above and this is why they resorted to using narratives of victorious Muslim kings, detailed war stories and their wondrous achievements to fan the sentiments of a society in decline.

The greatness of the past and its grandeur served to give birth to a false ego and unnecessary pride in our society, and Iqbal’s poetry had a big role to play in this. Whether it was “Under the shadow of the swords we became youthful” or “You are a believer, you fight without a sword,” these thoughts and viewpoints gave rise to unnecessary pride and arrogant feelings.

Iqbal was talking about these in a time when the Islamic world and Muslims were in a state of helplessness and indignity. Most Islamic countries were under European rule and existed under an archaic way of living, unaware of the changes in the world. There was a need to take the people out of this stagnant lifestyle and to introduce in them the modern inventions and conventions so that the superiority of the British would’ve been countered on an intellectual level. But instead Iqbal wrote on the first page of his book Zarb e Kaleem, “An announcement of war against the present era”. Consequently, our society continued to languish in its great past and very few attempts were actually made to change the present.